Have you ever, or do you now, feel that you are alienated from your government to merit a decline in your participation?
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Low government participation in the United States has been a source of countless journal articles researching various explanations. This paper will contend that reasons for the decline, considering its many facets, can be generalized into one prevailing category: government alienation. Are citizens who feel alienated by American government less likely to participate when compared to those citizens who do not feel alienated? Discussion will briefly review what is meant by “citizenry” and “government participation.” Alienation will also be explored: what it is and the different forms. Finally, we will look at how government alienation can be measured.
Concepts of what a “citizen” is may include citizenship in oneself wherein your person is your own sovereign property. On the other hand, a “citizen” in the respect to one’s nationality in a defined international border can also be considered. Aoileann Ní Mhurchú (2010) argues that, “two strands of thought can be identified that each produce a different understanding of what it means to be(come) a “citizen” in this context” (374). Does one need to nearly be in order to be a citizen according to self-sovereignty, or does one need to be a contributing participant in a government on any level to enjoy true citizenry? Whatever the answer, this paper will explore the latter as what it means to be a citizen within one’s own country, namely the United States. Government participation, as a voter, an activist, or public official, not only contributes greatly to one’s citizenry as an actor on the United States political stage, but also to our own self-sovereignty as that actor.
Government participation in the United States is one of the greatest gifts the founding fathers provided the citizenry. “One of the major good works of political parties is to engage citizens in the political process” (Huckfeldt and Sprague 1992, 70). For the citizen actor of the political stage, participation can portray many forms: voter influence, rally attendance, wearing a button or displaying a bumper sticker, writing a letter to an editor, or even contributing to a campaign. Running for public office is a significant increase of participation yet even this does not end at election; there is a constituency to uphold. In these, and others not discussed here, is the essence of government participation; yet participation, in all roles of the cast, seems to be in decline in the United States. McDonald & Popkin (2001) argue however, that voter decline is an illusion and that it can be explained in a comparative analysis of how the U.S. Census Bureau uses Voter Age Population (VAP) data versus Voter Eligible Population (VEP). Even so, one cannot ignore the fact that there is countless research accounting for government alienation as a possible cause for a decline in participation.
Alienation as a measure of citizen participation in American government is tough in its own right; it alone has subgroups endogenous to it. Division of the concept then becomes necessary; “division is [a] way of dealing with a difficult variable… alienation, for example, may be divided into four specific characteristics that are tied to the way people are thought to feel when they are alienated: normless, powerless, meaningless, and helpless” (Hoover and Donovan 2007, 75). Does a citizen’s lack of confidence in making a difference contribute to feeling powerless? Do social issues, such as gender, racial, or sexual orientation inequality account for feeling normless? Or do broader issues such as an uninformed participant or indifference factor into feeling helpless? Whatever the explanation, alienation accounts for numerous discussions on the topic; exploration of a few of these* follows.
Confidence in government - in the economy, in political representation, and even one’s own self - is enough to foster government participation. Remove all confidences however, and alienation sets in. “In troubled times, minds are more easily led; in good times, citizens are creatures of habit” (Brader 2005, 402). Citizens will most assuredly, out of habit, increase participation when their confidences increase. Yet in decline, they are easily led away, or alienated from government. For example, in districts where there is a majority-minority non-white population, Caucasian voters most often have no confidence in their voice making a difference in their local constituency; consequently they will not participate in government (Barreto, Segura, and Woods 2004). Social issues are yet another source that can and does cause government alienation, especially those issues surrounding gender, race, and sexual orientation.
“Marginalized groups such as women, racial minorities, and low-income people had few formal political organizations representing their interests in national politics before the 1960s” (Strolovitch 2007, 87). But even today, with over 700 groups now representing such “marginalized” citizens, the degree at which they do demands improvement. Underrepresentation for these groups is not only problematic, it is pandemic. For example, while “51 percent of the American population [are women], they hold only 15 percent of… the House of Representatives and only 14 percent of the… Senate” (91). Similar discrepancies are evidenced among other groups including African and Asian Americans, “Latinos; Native Americans; low-income people; and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people” (91). Alienation is without question apparent even at the highest levels of government. Without a proper measurement however, one can make the argument that issues creating government alienation can conversely energize participation amongst the electorate and political elites alike.
To properly measure alienation, a comparison would be required between those citizens who regularly participate in government and those who do not. Amongst those citizens who feel their interests are most represented, are they more likely to participate as actors on the government stage? Conversely, do citizens who feel underrepresented remain as far away from political activity as possible feeling their efforts will never make a difference? A powerful indicator for this type of measurement is the black voter registration in Mississippi before and after the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (Danielson 2009).
Prior to 1960, black voter registration in Mississippi was less than 5 percent; government alienation in the form of Jim Crow laws accounting for the gross underrepresentation. With the advent of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965 however, accompanied with the 1967 gubernatorial candidacy of Rubel Phillips running as a racial moderate, “he registered African American voters at higher rates than did his counterparts in other counties” (Danielson 2009, 91). Without representation, African Americans in Mississippi observed very little to no government participation due vastly to alienation. With alienation removed, participation reached higher levels than years previous (jumping to 60 percent). Utilizing this one example without the consideration of others, we can conclude that citizens who felt alienated by American government in Mississippi were indeed less likely to participate when compared to years later when they did not feel alienated. Of course, additional observations and data should be provided for a more representative sample yet, given this argument, it has been shown that further research upon the subject is merited.
The term “citizen” has been attributed to two definitions: in one’s own personal sovereignty and another as an actor within a nation state. To participate in government as a citizen actor is a gift afforded to the same in the United States. For this reason, American Government must make it their duty to ensure alienation from these benefits do not occur. Alienation has been divided for easier examination and different forms of it were discussed. In the example of the Mississippi Gubernatorial Race of 1967, it has been shown that government alienation was prevalent prior to the VRA. While controlling for black voter registration prior to the act, these same citizens increased their participation after implementation of the act casting their votes for a candidate claiming to represent their interests. This alone shows that alienation cannot be ignored. Future studies most assuredly would want to monopolize on the concepts of alienation and perhaps research will continue to move forward from not only words on cause and prevention, but will convert into actions.
References
Barreto, Matt A., Segura, Gary M. and Woods, Nathan D. "The Mobilizing Effect of Majority–Minority Districts on Latino Turnout." American Political Science Review 98, no. 1 (February 2004): 65-75.
Brader, Ted. "Striking a Responsive Chord: How Political Ads Motivate and Persuade Voters by Appealing to Emotions." American Journal of Political Science 49, no. 2 (April 2005): 388-405.
Danielson, Chris. "Lily White and Hard Right: The Mississippi Republican Party and Black Voting, 1965-1980." Journal of Southern History 75, no. 1 (February 2009): 83-118.
Hoover, Kenneth, and Donovan, Todd. "Chapter 4, Refinements." In The Elements of Social Scientific Thinking, 58-77. Boston: Wadsworth Publishing, 2007.
Huckfeldt, Robert, and Sprague, John. "Political Parties and Electoral Mobilization: Political Structure, Social Structure, and the Party Canvass." The American Political Science Review 86, no. 1 (1992): 70-86.
McDonald, Michael P., and Popkin, Samuel L. "The Myth of the Vanishing Voter." American Political Science Review 95, no. 4 (2001): 963-974.
Ní Mhurchú, Aoileann. "Citizenship as Absolute Space, Citizenship as Contingent Trace." Alternatives 35 (2010): 373-400.
Strolovitch, Dara Z. "A More Level Playing Field or a New Mobilization of Bias?" In In Interest Group Politics 7e, edited by Allan Cigler and Burdett Loomis, 86-107. CQ Press, 2007.
*Other factors considered by the author but not discussed in this paper include ideology, investment, and government exhaustion.
ETA: Grammar
Author: Tom Fernandez (a recent class paper)




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